Andrew Sullivan writes:
Cottle pulls together all of Turd Blossom’s brutal assessments of all the GOP candidates save Romney. I have to say, though, that I don’t believe Rove has changed. This is about winning the general election. Cain is right: Rove obviously wants Romney, as any sane Republican at this point surely would. The rest is noise. Rove is as much a creature of the entertainment machine as Cain. But like an old sit-com up against a new reality show, he is in danger of being eclipsed.
Karl Rove is a bit more sophisticated a figure than Herman Cain.
Rove identified the entertainment machine nature of politics and political journalism and rode it for all it was worth. He engineered the GOP of the last ten years that created massive deficits, a more powerful executive, and more centralized federal power, then fiercely opposed all those things. It was good enough to win 4 of the last 6 federal elections in this country. (Which is all that Republicans care about, because Republicans don’t have policy preferences).
Rove is a strategist, whereas Cain is a salesman of his own image, like Laura Ingraham or Bill O’Reilly.
Rove’s had quite a bit more influence on American politics and the American right, ably described here:
What Mr. Rove understood, long before the rest of us, is that we’re not living in the America of the past, where even partisans sometimes changed their views when faced with the facts. Instead, we’re living in a country in which there is no longer such a thing as nonpolitical truth. In particular, there are now few, if any, limits to what conservative politicians can get away with: the faithful will follow the twists and turns of the party line with a loyalty that would have pleased the Comintern.
I first realized that we were living in Karl Rove’s America during the 2000 presidential campaign, when George W. Bush began saying things about Social Security privatization and tax cuts that were simply false. At first, I thought the Bush campaign was making a big mistake – that these blatant falsehoods would be condemned by prominent Republican politicians and Republican economists, especially those who had spent years building reputations as advocates of fiscal responsibility. In fact, with hardly any exceptions they lined up to praise Mr. Bush’s proposals. …